Philological note: Duvali’s nation is called Jaešim after its capital city; but the region was also called Fanal or Feináe. The nationals of Jaešim can be called Jaešimi, but this excludes Šureni, refugees who had fled Šura after the Sainor conquest and made up much of the trading and shipbuilding industy. Duvali himself was of Jaešimi blood, but many colonists were Šureni. Both nationalities are part of the Tžuro ethnic and linguistic group—as opposed to the Fana or Fei. Finally, the region of Tžuro settlement in Arcél became known as Fananak or New Feináe.
Etymology: Tžuro ‘ford, crossing’.
The discovery of Arcél in 2961 led immediately to thoughts of colonization, but it took decades before an expedition was actually organized. It was one thing to explore and to dream of profits; another to pull up stakes and move 3000 km away to a virtual wilderness. Those willing to emigrate were usually poor people who would be a financial liability to transport and to keep safe and fed for the years it would take to establish a colony.
Two groups had sufficient funds and motivation: the government of Jaešim, and the Jippirasti establishment. A dual expedition was therefore planned: a settlement would be established that would serve as a base for Jaešimi military power and evangelization, and develop into a port to aid Tžuro merchants. A fifth of the 200 colonists were soldiers, a quarter were clerics, and the remainder were essentially hired laborers. About a third of the total were women. Two ships were outfitted, the Komak commanded by captain Dragbala, and the Narajit by teŋŋir Aham. The colonists had rough maps to guide them and had chosen a spot particularly recommended by the explorers, a small pleasant valley which had already been named Uñuhim ‘we will serve (Jippir)’.
Duvali was a young lieutenant in Dragbala’s service, and simply ordered to accompany him; this was made easier by the fact that his wife Čalneš came with.
The ships left in the spring of 2988, landing on the west side of the Togwaš peninsula after a seven-week journey. The two commanders immediately quarreled over where to set up the colony; Aham wanted to continue to the site originally planned, 200 km eastward along the coast, while Dragbala preferred to stay where they were; he named their landfall Iraža (‘gratitude’). (Duvali later claimed that Dragbala was subject to seasickness.) Neither could convince or compel the other, and the two ships separated. Duvali went with Aham on the Komak, as both colonies would need a military contingent.
The settlers planted crops, but it was late in the year and they knew nothing about local conditions; the fall harvest was scanty.
Aham was eager to meet and convert the natives, so the settlers explored their valley, but at first their encounters with the natives were frustrating: the natives didn’t live in fixed locations and seemed to avoid the newcomers; the natives they did meet were often sick with the pox, or almost impossible to communicate with.
But finally two natives approached Uñuhim speaking Tžuro. They had been captured by explorers some years before and learned the language. The Jaešimi learned that the natives were called Žiwdonag (Tžuro Židonaka); they were Dnetic tribes that largely lived by hunting and gathering, herding, and fishing, with some opportunistic agriculture. The two natives were extremely useful in learning the local plants and wildlife, and brought them to meet their chiefs. In return for gifts, the chiefs grandly allowed the Jaešimi to settle the mouth of the river.
The Tžuro-speaking natives already knew the Jaešimi eagerness to talk about Jippir, and had learned to respond with polite interest. Aham was much more insistent than the explorers, and wouldn’t relent till they professed themselves converts. He had no luck at first with other Žiwdonag; the interpreters would always report that they were greatly interested in Jippir, but it was evident that they were lying and impossible to learn what the natives actually said.
The winter came, much more severe than they were expecting. Their valley was not rich in lumber, and the rough houses they had built were inadequate; the Uñuhim river froze, unlike the larger rivers of Jaešim; food was scarce, and half of their grain reserves had spoiled. Quite a few colonists fell ill.
A month into winter, the Narajit appeared—with the surviving members of the Iraža colony, which had been even harder hit by the winter. Worse yet, many of the Iražans had contracted the virulent sickness which would be known as ipeja si Fananak ‘Fananak disease’, and now it spread to the residents of Uñuhim.
Now that both ships were in one place, the Narajit was torn apart to make more houses.
Only 42 men and 25 women survived the winter; among the casualties were both leaders, Dragbala and Aham, one of the Žiwdonag interpreters, and Duvali’s wife Čalneš. Duvali became the leader of the settlement.
One of the few high points of the winter was the birth of the first Tžuro baby in Fananak; he was given the name Ništi ‘first’.
In early spring a ship from Jaešim arrived with ninety more settlers. Their plan was to start a new colony, but they were convinced to join Uñuhim instead. The ship returned to Jaešim with more than a dozen discouraged settlers.
Duvali directed an intensive program of cultivation (of both Tžuro and Žiwdonag crops) and construction of better houses. Even so there was a food crunch before the harvest came in. New colonists were supposed to bring a year’s supply of food with them, but this was generally short, or stores were pilfered or spoiled.
The next winter was not quite as devastating; but now the little colony was filled with discontent. Some wanted to go home; some were sick; others simply didn’t feel like working hard. They complained that they had been promised wealth and free land. Some of the soldiers and clerics had expected that they would simply follow their professions, as they could back home; they resented having to farm. A group of them even attempted to make off with the Komak, but were caught in time.
Duvali attempted to set rules and schedules; he called meetings and remonstrated with the idlers and complainers. Finally he told them they had to leave Uñuhim— he didn’t care where, but they would not cause trouble any more. Only about half of them (about twenty men and five women) actually left; they founded a settlement about 100 km away which they pointedly called Igopašma (‘un-tyranny’).
Almost as difficult were traders and explorers; when they stopped by they wanted supplies the colony could ill afford, and entertainment which disordered the work schedule. Duvali told them that they would receive no hospitality except for payment. One merchant bypassed this by stealing many barrels of supplies in the night; this meant that guards had to be mounted on the stores.
A new shipful of colonists didn’t arrive till 2991; it brought nearly thirty people back to Jaešim, including almost all of the survivors of Igopašma. The idlers had not left without leaving one more unwelcome mess, however: the Žiwdonag turned hostile, and killed several settlers who were wandering far from Uñuhim. On investigation, it was found that the Igopašmans, starving in the winter, had taken to finding Žiwdonag settlements and stealing their food stores. Peace was not restored till Duvali took a delegation to the site of Igopašma and showed them that it had been abandoned.
After the first harrowing years, the colony grew more prosperous. In response to Duvali’s entreaties, the Jaešimi authorities sent more farmers and tradesmen than soldiers and clerics. They also sent sheep, goats, cattle, and horses, which greatly improved the colonists’ lifestyle.
Two important economic resources were developed: furs and gold. Both could be sought directly by the Tžuro, or acquired from the Žiwdonag by trade. The profits were used to purchase manufactures from Jaešim that could not yet be made locally: iron tools and weapons, nails, books and paper, silverware, good clothing and furniture, and much more.
Duvali married a woman widowed by ipeja si Fananak, and had four children. Children born in Fananak were immune to the disease.
He took a census in 2996, which gives a glimpse into the organization and economy of the early colony:
- By Jippir’s mercy, I have found the numbers of the city of Uñuhim to be as follows:
|Of judges (adepe) and officials,||4 households, or||28 persons|
|Of the military forces,||8 "||48 "|
|Of saints (teŋŋiri),||3 "||15 "|
|Of teachers (anebe), physicians, and caregivers,||5 "||20 "|
|Of landowning farmers,||22 "||156 "|
|Of craftsmen,||7 "||31 "|
|Of tradesmen, fishermen, and sailors,||9 "||25 "|
|Of trappers and gold-gleaners,||29 "|
|Of pagans, expiators (gostum), invalids, and worthless people,||22 "|
- Being in total 58 households, or 374 persons.
The categories are given in order of honor— Duvali’s own title as governor was adep (judge), and the other three households were those of his sub-administrators. He also retained his military rank as captain of the military squad. However, only he and his chief lieutenant Torluj had full-time jobs; the other administrators and soldiers were also farmers.
By Jaešimi law Duvali’s power was absolute—he spoke for Jaešim and for Jippir— but in practice he consulted with his administrators and lieutenants, the top clerics, and the most important farmers.
The last column includes spouses, children, and servants, including the large number of hired laborers. Back in Jaešim, tenant farmers and laborers had no prospect of owning land; it was not possible or desirable to maintain this class division in Fananak— the colony prospered only if anyone who could farm did so, and people worked hardest for themselves, not for a landlord. The eventual rule was that any indentures made in Jaešim (e.g. as the price for passage, or as a continuation of an existing tenant farming relationship back home) would become null after six years, leaving the laborer free to move to a new settlement.
By 3000, a dozen years after the voyage of the Komak and Narajit, the colony could be said to be prospering. There were over a thousand Tžuro in Fananak, divided among six settlements, not counting indivdual isolated households.
To Duvali each of these was premature— Uñuhim was barely established, and there was plenty of work to do there. But many settlers preferred starting from scratch, or chafed under Duvali’s rules and work schedules. Of course, more than half of attempted settlements failed.
The six settlements were largely self-governing, though Duvali asked and received from the Jaešimi government a broad mandate to govern all of Fananak or New Feináe, as the region was already called. For the most part they cooperated in such things as relations with the Žiwdonag and returning fleeing laborers or criminals, but there were also tensions between them; the other settlements were particularly prickly if they felt Duvali was interfering in their own affairs or attempting to enforce his own rather strict notions of istuja (sin).
Relations with the Žiwdonag were complicated. Their society was decimated by pox and venereal disease— both brought by Ereláeans, though this was not realized at the time. Many Žiwdonag settlements were abandoned, giving the Tžuro the impression that the peninsula was barely occupied.
Good relations were important, both to safeguard the settlements and to ensure a sufficient supply of furs and gold. But there were rowdy elements on both sides— Tžuro “idlers and worthless persons” who saw nothing wrong with stealing from the natives; Žiwdonag warriors who couldn’t resist a little raiding. There were also Tžuro who found the Žiwdonag lifestyle more comfortable, living among them and abandoning Jippirasti.
Many Žiwdonag learned a fairly ungrammatical form of Tžuro; a much smaller number of Tžuro learned to speak Žiwdonag.
Some of the natives were receptive to the call of Jippir— or seemed to be; with the language barrier it wasn’t always clear whether they had really converted, or only adopted some superficial changes in speech and behavior. Only converted natives could permanently live in the Tžuro settlements.
In 3005 an entire Žiwdonag community, Dahkižnat, converted. This was what the clerics had said they wanted even back in Jaešim, but it generated endless dilemmas. Had the entire community come to Jippir, or only the chiefs? What rights did they have in Tžuro settlements? Were the Tžuro obligated to support them in conflicts with other Žiwdonag? Could Tžuro and Žiwdonag marry, and what to call the children?
These questions were not resolved in Duvali’s lifetime or indeed for generations. It’s fair to say that the Tžuro on the whole considered the Žiwdonag to be savages, much like the Fei back home but even more primitive in material culture. That and their poor command of Tžuro was taken as a sign of inferior intellect. Converted Žiwdonag were reluctantly accepted but there was as yet no chance that they could rise in Tžuro society— e.g. they could not be officials in Tžuro settlements, marry Tžuro women, or have Tžuro servants. At the same time, Duvali did his best to honor agreements with the Žiwdonag, and was willing to punish those who attempted to rob or mistreat them.
In 3009 a war broke out, technically between two alliances of Žiwdonag; but the ultimate issue was that many Žiwdonag blamed the settlers for taking their land and for the diseases that were ravaging them. The all-Žiwdowag side was led by one Gohsiwnaš; his forces attacked one of the Tžuro settlements by surprise, at night, massacring nearly all the inhabitants— valid tactics by Žiwdonag standards, but an atrocity to the Tžuro. There was intense fighting for several months. The Tžuro, who had horses and steel weapons, had the better of open fighting and could easily destroy Žiwdonag settlements, but remained vulnerable to raids.
At harvest time, messengers from Gohsiwnaš appeared and explained that fighting during harvest was impious, and that the war should be resumed the next spring. Duvali— the Tžuro settlements were happy to let him lead in wartime— responded that the Tžuro would not agree to a cease-fire unless Gohsiwnaš was handed over to them. This was outrageous to the Žiwdonag, but the harvest was sacrosanct. After much discussion they agreed; Duvali had Gohsiwnaš executed.
Over the winter peace was negotiated; this essentially confirmed the Tžuro in their existing settlements and expanded the territory of their allies. Gohsiwnaš’s side had to pay a large fee in furs and gold, but received several horses in return.
In 3011 Duvali retired. He was injured in the Žiwdonag war, and he was also tired of trying to administer the colonists— never as religious or as hard-working as he expected them to be.
He lived for another twenty years as a farmer, though his children and servants did most of the hard work. He developed a great interest in documentation, and organized the colony’s correspondence, bookkeeping, and genealogy.
His lieutenant Torluj succeeded him, but Duvali had the satisfaction, just before his death (3032), of seeing his son Ražim become governor.
Administering a colony in an alien land is something of a thankless task. It would require hard work, a strong constitution, charisma, and organizational ability even if the colonists were perfect; and Duvali’s were far from it. Few of those who made the voyage expected the amount of privation and manual labor that would be required, and many sought to evade it even if the alternative was starvation. Moreover, Duvali (though a soldier by trade) was devoted to Jippirasti and had little patience with idleness, dissipation, or even frivolity.
Many people left the town in part to escape him; only those who lived alone or among the Žiwdonag could be said to really live as they pleased. But settlements that did not embrace Duvali’s work ethic tended to come to a bad end.
However, the colonists in general recognized that his industriousness, slowness to anger, and basic fairness were the bulwark of the colony, and brought it safely through its first, perilous years. He was posthumously called Fananak si aŋesum, Father of Fananak, and a statue of him still stands before the government offices.
The Žiwdonag remembered him with respect, and sent a delegation of chiefs and women to wail and mourn at his funeral, to the embarrassment of the Tžuro. Not all his successors were able to maintain both the respect and friendship of the Žiwdonag; all too often the Žiwdonag were simply objects of exploitation, preaching, or hostility. (And that was before the Tžuro met the Itsenic peoples, whom they despised.)
His son Ražim inherited few of his qualities, and is chiefly remembered for falling into two wars with the Žiwdonag in ten years, before he was replaced by a less hot-headed governor. However, Duvali’s fsava or lineage became one of the leading families of Fananak.
In 3056, in response to complaints of general lawlessness, Jaešim sent a new viceroy (alešp), with a large military contingent. He attempted to enforce Jaešimi law and clamp down on the autonomy of the settlements, with some success.
Uñuhim remained the largest Tžuro settlement for over a century. Its valley, though small, was the largest and most fertile in the Togwaš peninsula. However, it was eclipsed once the large Tsihship and Itseʔ valleys were settled.